The resemblance of the centre to a mushroom cloud is a large part of what drew me to this.

Beneath Good & Evil

As I write this, more than a quarter of the way around the world, Donald Trump’s presidency is penetrating the history books. There are no ways I can think of to condemn Trump that have not already been tried, no criticisms that have not been made manifold.

If we may cautiously poke whatever bright side exists on this rather tarnished moment in human history, it is in the return by necessity of a critical media. Shameful though it is that many publications and outlets deserted their posts in the warm glow of the election of first black president, the election of Trump seems to have brought at least some journalists back from their stupor.
That said, this also means a rise in pieces such as this one. There is a tendency among writers to portray political tumult as a clash between opposing forces. Inevitably the force with which the author sympathises is the light and its opponent the darkness. The twilight between them is the battlefield, the election campaign and so on.

Our arts are filled with this sort of imagery. It is easy and evocative. It appeals to our most primal instincts. We all know to be afraid of the dark. In its simplicity is its power.
But on this one instance I think it’s necessary to sheath Occam’s Razor for a moment and contemplate a seemingly more complex shorthand for good and evil.

There is a danger to our constant references to villainy of the dark. It separates ‘us’ from evil. There is now a good distance between us and evil; the twilight an effective barrier. When we denounce our foes as members of this shadow we condemn ourselves to the misapprehension of the righteous. We ignore the real origin of evil.
That is not to suggest that there no such thing as genuine darkness. In human terms that darkness is best described as a variety of nihilism(s). The absence of and opposition to the very idea of principle is impossible to combat without, well, combat. We see symptoms of this in those  madmen who shoot into crowds in the US to whom political purpose cannot be attached. We see this in the ignorant jihadist, who doesn’t know why he kills, or for whom, only that he will be rewarded as a martyr. These darkness’ can only ever be fought and fought until its elimination.
To claim that the current surge of popular faith in authority, strength and rage is symptomatic of the same darkness is misguided at best and clearly false as an observation. At worst it blinds us to a very elementary truth. Good and evil are not binary. Darkness is not evil. Light is not good. To stretch a metaphor perhaps too far, if darkness is the domain of the madman then it must be us who occupy the fire. Us. Those who act with some (however misguided) moral purpose.

It is not often discussed how readily and drastically we romanticize humanity. Virtues are ‘human’ and the worst vice ‘inhuman’. Surely it would be a far more sensible claim that both are equally human. Doing so should not be taken as an endorsement of wrongdoing.
If we are to recognize the humanity of evil, then we must also recognize where darkness fails to explain evil. What we think of as evil today: Hitler’s Germany, Mao’s China and perhaps Trump’s America, are not forces of darkness but of flame.
Like those revolutionaries and radicals currently in retreat around the world who pursue a variety of Utopias, Trump supporters are very easily spotted by their passion, their now palpable anger at the direction of recent history.

Perhaps then the danger is not in the darkness. Perhaps our future concern ought to be directed at the fire. Because the right (or in fact, wrong) demagogue can seize upon an unattended flame and burn all of our works to the ground. Everything must then be in moderation. Passion and fury are compelling fuels for justice and liberty and all the forces of good. But they can, at the drop of a pretense, fuel every goods opposite.
This acknowledgement is difficult. It requires that we stop demonizing our opposition and attempt to recognize our common humanity. Flawed primates that we are, we are certainly not the best candidates for a civil society, nor will the process of forming one be a peaceful or altogether calm affair. But we cannot abandon it now. We must keep the fires burning so that we may someday learn to control them.

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A Letter Re: the Public

I don’t want to talk about Donald Trump. The last year we have been inundated with the man and all the reasons why the subject is sour are not difficult to find. Indeed perhaps that is one of the primary reasons many, myself included, find themselves so dismayed at his victory. Four more years of crudeness, ignorance and frighteningly un-impotent rage can exhaust those who look for more grace in their leaders. But this is not a piece about Trump’s failings. There are enough of those on pages like this.

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This is the sort of thing late night comedy wouldn’t get away with a few years ago.

I want to also draw your attention to the failures of the Democratic party and the American left wing in general. The cursory appeals to a generic better America, the institutional illiberality of their support for Clinton throughout the primaries and the sheer political inbreeding confirmed by the emails show a party dangerously out of touch with the spirit of the age and self-segregated within the gated communities of academia and media into delusion. The nature of the establishment arguments in favour of Clinton seem, especially with the perspective of hindsight, particularly sinister. The language of the ‘presumptive nominee’ lent the entire process a whiff of the banana republic. Those who proselytized to the unconverted voter how much Clinton ‘deserved’ the presidency as if it were some perverse reward for public service must now feel an affinity with every other imbecilic moral prophecy that spouts predetermination as somehow just. That it was ‘her turn’ seemed dogma in certain spheres of thought.
But even this has been said elsewhere in greater depth and detail.

I address this missive to the American voter. Those making merry and those in mourning in what I hope is equal measure.
In 1989 a man wrote an essay called ‘The End of History’. It defines much of the worst excesses of the global left.
The author, Francis Fukuyama argued that;

What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.

It’s easy to see now just how wrongheaded this thesis is. The details of the book are more nuanced and interesting. But what matters is that the idea above is what permeated the political left, throughout Europe and America. The inevitability of liberal triumph made us complacent. Our belief in the righteousness of our cause induced an intolerance of the ‘wrong’ ideas and of the ‘ignorant’ and ‘stupid’ people that espouse them.
This is the liberalism of my parents’ generation. The liberalism of Angela Merkel, Tony Blair and the Clintons. It is the liberalism that crowned Hillary Clinton and conspired to stonewall Bernie Sanders. It is the liberalism that the majority in our parents generation have now rebuffed.
This liberalism is not healthy. It is a foul reality when the right wing, the successors of McCarthy and Nixon, are those who appear most often in defence of the freedoms of speech and expression whose acquisition and defence were the greatest triumphs of the left. It is the liberalism that the majority in our parents generation have now rebuffed.
The right is no more sympathetic to those liberties than before, theirs’ is the radicalism of the oppressed, no, the principled. But that they are assuredly oppressed is an indictment of the liberal lefts capitulation to the worst impulses of the empowered. We are so convinced of the rectitude of our conviction that we grow contemptibly impatient with dissent.

We can already see this infirmity of principle seeping into the young. We see college students incapable of dealing with challenges to their ideology. So we silence. And censor. So a critic of Islam is an Islamophobe. A critic of Black Lives Matter is a racist. A critic of Hillary Clinton is a misogynist. We are nearing an abundance of intolerance. The right will not respond kindly to the protestations of the left. We have cried wolf, bigot and sexist so often and so loudly that even when it is true the sound of dissent dissolves in the white noise of partisan hackery that is our media.

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“They say a little knowledge is a dangerous thing, but it’s not one half so bad as a lot of ignorance.”-The late Sir Terry Prachett

The left, Democrats, liberals and progressives are now the political minority around the world. Not because of the ignorance or prejudice of our opponents but because of the frailty of our convictions in the face of convenience. It is easier to smear, to silence, to shame. We should know, the revolutions that gave us the freedoms we enjoy fought against those tactics.

The surge of opinion pieces lamenting democracy and its stupidity is the sort of thing that drives a movement like Trump’s. Our intellectuals and opinion makers show their true colours in these confessions of illiberalism. The ‘elite’, who have demonstrated that accusations that they are out of touch are warranted, because their naive belief in the inviolability of the liberal project has made them careless. The good life of the liberal intellectual in the cities of the nation has made them unwilling to consider challenges to the liberal world order.
But this is only an explanation. Who is to blame for what seems now to be the collapse of that order is irrelevant. The question must be what do we do next.

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The philosopher William James in his book The Principles of Psychology writes;

We cannot control our emotions…. But gradually our will can lead us to the same results by a very simple method: we need only in cold blood act as if the thing in question were real, and keep acting as if it were real, and it will infallibly end by growing into such a connection with our life that it will become real.

James was writing of the nature of belief, but we should assume his words as a mandate to do better. If we allow the sins of our fathers to infect the principles of our conviction we will march a short route to chaos. We must dissent. We must argue. We must protest. And if we succeed we must promise not to abandon the promise of a liberal world as our parents have done. However difficult. However uncomfortable. We cannot simply allow history’s end.
To quote a Republican president of the United States;

The dogmas of the quiet past, are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. . . . We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country.abraham_lincoln_head_on_shoulders_photo_portrait

In Review

In reviewing the events of the last six months, the period of time between the creation of this website and its actual usage, it’s rather difficult to narrow them down to highlights, though no doubt many more experienced websites will and have done so. In this time we’ve seen the popularly inexplicable rise of Donald Trump in American politics beside an increasingly fierce Democratic nomination process , an anxiety inducing swing to the authoritarian right in most of the world and perhaps most importantly a shift towards censorship of difficult ideas in some very unfortunate places. In addition we’ve seen rising controversy over religions place in (ostensibly) secular societies and a great deal of unfortunate backpedaling from positions of principle by those in power. As always the more consistent stories have stood by us; ISIS remains scary, Russia remains labyrinthine in its foreign policy and China looms ever larger over the global stage.

The object of this piece is not to provide a complete summary of the history of the last six months but instead to use them as launching pads for the sort of work I plan to do here.

The rise of Trump seems is couched inextricably from a fundamental failure of the media. As a sample, my first instinct was to write of the Trump “phenomenon”. The failure is not simply one of prediction. It is also of a basic underestimation of the anger hidden beneath the surface of the Republican electorate. But the uplifting of Trump from a common demagogue to a “phenomenon”, while certainly a ratings booster, is in large part responsible for his current stranglehold on political debate.
Trump is the “greatest” illustration of the return of the authoritarian right in the democratic world. And that return is again predicate on a failure of liberalism. Through political liberalism’s largely unconditional embrace of diversity and multiculturalism, especially in the West and the gradual victory of the left in the Culture Wars the right has been forced further right in order to provide any meaningful opposition. By shifting the goal posts so frequently and changing the rules so often leftists initiated a slow awakening of the parts of the American electorate most people would rather not think about; the poor, uneducated majority ethnicity. It is a small wonder that the most ridiculed segment of American society found comfort in the clutches of a demagogue who makes liberal use of racism and bigotry as campaign tactics. That is not to say some of their motivations are entirely without merit however. But we’ll leave that for another piece.

The Indian and Bangladeshi governments seem intent on slipping further back into a pit of religious sectarianism, although with the examples of political discourse the West is providing it’s difficult to blame them.
In the Middle East theocracy and dictatorship remain the status quo, Saudi Arabia continues its perfidious relationship with liberal democracies and the rare bastions of (relative) sanity and secularism like the Iraqi Kurds are so entangled in regional rivalries with an increasingly despotic Turkey that any hope of the establishment of secularism in that cradle of civilization must look far to the future.
Meanwhile Putin’s Russia has continued its serpentine course through current events and bolsters an Iran that must soon deal with a generational shift towards democratic values.

As you can imagine it’s a rather difficult point in history to jump in with opinions and ideas.
Regardless, things will almost certainly get a great deal worse before they get better so one may as well start now. This website will be dedicated to covering the events that surround us, the history that seats us, and the art that guides us. Now that we’re mostly caught up future pieces should hopefully be more in-depth and more interesting.
Until then.